October 09, 2007
Paul Kelly has a go at Australia's academics and public intellectuals in The Australian Literary Review in a piece called Time For a Rethink His argument is simple: the moral vanity of Australia's intellectual class has led it into a political dead end. Thus:
it is hard to categorise Australia's intellectual class because, in essence, it defies categorisation. What is easier to categorise, however, is that distinct group of public intellectuals who write for a wide audience, aspire to shape public opinion, attack Howard for his sins and lament the collapsing standards and morality of our political leaders... The critique is notable for its moral fervour, weak analysis and alienation from the nation's heartland....Contempt for Howard becomes a contempt for the people and for the democracy that elected him.
The argument is hooked on David Marr's recent Quarterly Essay, titled His Master's Voice: The Corruption of Public Debate Under Howard, where Marr argued that Howard has led a conservative party political assault on Australia's liberal culture.
Kelly conception of public intellectuals is very narrow -he includes Raimond Gaita and Julian Burnside---and he claims that they have become moralists.Buy this he means that
their main task is to make moral judgments about politicians and to identity the source of their evil. There is almost no limit to their self-righteousness and pomposity...It demonstrates, above all, the role of the public intellectual: as passionate moralist, as opposed to enlightened analyst, as polemicist as distinct from scholar.
Kelly's response to this is to acknowledge that truth in politics is a valuable public good and that the role of intellectuals and media is to expose lies and promote truth. He adds that if this critique is to be effective then it demands a recognition of the nature of politics, the foundational point being that personal morality and political morality are overlapping yet different concepts.
Okay, so let us grant this distinction and put the issue of 'going to war Iraq on the table, as this concerns political morality in a democracy. What does Kelly say?:
The lesson from Iraq is that Howard did not lie but lost the trust of the public. This is an instance of a seriously defective decision. The evidence is that this war was misconceived, its justification was false, its implementation was disastrous while its consequences have been counter-productive. The breach of trust is fundamental. But did Howard lie? It remains an important question. Either he knew or suspected Saddam Hussein had no weapons of mass destruction and lied to the public, or he was sincere. The evidence, contrary to many claims from public intellectuals, is that he was sincere. But sincerity does not forgive strategic folly or disastrous misjudgment about the nature of the war.
The truth in politics was that the evidence was not there. What was there was sexed up by the politicians and when this was eventually discovered Howard pointed the finger at the intelligence agencies. Kelly is an apologist for the deceit, deception or the con by the Howard Government.
Despite this Kelly persists in talking about 'the dysfunction of the intellectuals' and to claim that Howard has not corrupted our governance or brought our democracy to despair. There is no mention of the corruption of Senate.
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Gary,
a review of Marr's His Master's Voice: The Corruption of Public Debate Under Howard, by Julianne Schultz,the editor of the Griffith Review, is here. One point that is made is this: