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governing Australia the Howard way « Previous | |Next »
July 17, 2007

Paul Kelly's Cunningham Lecture delivered in 2005 was concerned with how Australian Governance is being re-shaped and re-thought by John Howard. Kelly's argument is that from a historical looking back perspective:

Howard will be important for three ideas that, ultimately, underwrite his conception of Prime Ministerial Government – an expansion in executive power authorised and sustained by invoking the popular will; the re-shaping of our governance culture to incorporate the priority he attaches to economic liberalism and national security; and the upholding of parliamentary supremacy and popular sovereignty against the limitations involved in the emerging demand for a Bill of Rights.

Kelly understands Howard as a change-agent despite Howard understanding himself as a ‘Burkean’ conservative; albeit one who follows Burke's maxim that ‘a state without the means of some change is without the means of its conservation’. This is change justified in the name of the national interest that is then equated with the will of the people.

So how does Kelly consider the contradiction between Burkean conservatism and economic liberalism designed to role back the welfare state? What is the balance or relationship between the two conservatism and economic liberalism?

| Posted by Gary Sauer-Thompson at 03:44 PM | | Comments (4)
Comments

Comments

he re-shaping of our governance culture to incorporate the priority he attaches to economic liberalism and national security;

I have to disagree with that. Howard has not been economic liberalist. Their governance has been more status quo. Qantas has a protected market, Au is behind the broadband roll out because of government intervention and Telstra while the AWB (a legislative monopoly) deserves its own hall of shame.

I think there is an argument that security - outside of electoral advantage - has been done under emergency. Procurement has been adhoc and as Robert Merkel argued based on appealing to the vanity and whim of the cabinet - namely Howard and Nelson.

There has not been a defence white paper since 2000. The US has a quadrennial defence report every four years in comparison. Nelson didn't initiate a new white paper when he took over either as ministers tend to do.

There is no strategic or coherent direction to procurement.

When Australians talk about "upholding parliamentary supremacy" they are really talking about executive rule. Westminster has poor separation of powers and parliament is dominated by the executive. Something the Washington system cannot get away with.

Cam,
Paul Kelly's argument re economic governance is this:

One of the main themes of Howard’s governance – and conceivably the main theme – is his effort to entrench the philosophy of economic liberalism. This is best conceptualised
as a national project to strengthen Australia as a market economy in the globalised age. It is an extension of the Hawke-Keating agenda and is a new experiment in Australian
governance. It rests upon the view that Australia must succeed as a free trade nation, exposed to global markets without the security of a regional union such as the European Union. It is,
instead, a frontline nation close to the economic transformation of Asia now centred upon China and India. The pressure to maintain a competitive Australia has marked all federal cabinets since the 1980s. Such external pressure is permanent.It drives the quest for a productive, low inflation, high growth economy and it will increasingly shape our
governing culture.

Cam,
Peter van Onselen and Wayne Errington state that John Howard's politics are much more complicated than the oft-cited liberalism in the economic sphere and conservatism in the social sphere.They say that the two spheres aren't so easily separated. They miss the political conservatism. They say:
They say that:

Conservative governments don't usually lose by landslide margins, but an activist legislator such as Howard runs the risk of losing big once the often contradictory forces that have kept him in power for a decade become too difficult to manage.

When the electorate tires of the irritating accoutrements of contemporary politics - spin, unaccountable ministers and the like - the Howard Government will appear well past its use-by date.
Alas they don't explore the contradictions in the edited extract from their book--John Winston Howard: The Biography


From Kelly, It rests upon the view that Australia must succeed as a free trade nation, exposed to global markets without the security of a regional union such as the European Union. It is,
instead, a frontline nation close to the economic transformation of Asia now centred upon China and India.

Again I don't see that as a change at all. Bilateral trade agreements were an American fashion, but it was also a sign of the WTOs impotence. That was a global phenomenon, not an Australian policy one.

IIRC Australia has something like 4000 treaties or so atm. The five or six bilateral trade agreements we have negotiated are pretty significant under that form of nation-state to nation-state agreements. The technology of bilateral agreements is not new and Howard has kept his hand in with wider super-national organisations too. All sensible, but nothing new.

Howard should be congratulated on not making the apolitical institutions, such as the reserve bank, political. Something he has done in other areas. But the dollar and interest rates have not been tampered with politically.

 
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