Thought-Factory.net Philosophical Conversations Public Opinion philosophy.com Junk for code
hegel
"When philosophy paints its grey in grey then has a shape of life grown old. By philosophy's grey in grey it cannot be rejuvenated but only understood. The owl of Minerva spreads its wings only with the falling of dusk." -- G.W.F. Hegel, 'Preface', Philosophy of Right.
RECENT ENTRIES
SEARCH
ARCHIVES
Library
Links - weblogs
Links - Political Rationalities
Links - Resources: Philosophy
Public Discussion
Resources
Cafe Philosophy
Philosophy Centres
Links - Resources: Other
Links - Web Connections
Other
www.thought-factory.net
'Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainity and agitation distinquish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones ... All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned.' Marx

the main game « Previous | |Next »
February 25, 2004

After the neo-liberal turn to the markets in the 1970s the only reality that mattered was an economic reality. In the language of the time it was 'the main game'. You had to master the economic language to be a part of the political culture, or to be accepted as being capable of understanding reality. If you did not understand the language of economics you were excluded from the policy making that aimed to shaped reality.

'You are ignorant about economic's was the first tactic employed to demolish the critic's case that the free market was not all it was cracked up to be. It meant that you did not understand 'the story' of how we got to be at this point of requiring ongoing micro-economic reform.

It was like what happens in a war situation. In Australia those who did not adopt the government free market line were treated as the enemy. Addressing the political fallout from the economic reforms was dismissed as pandering to populism. That was politics. Politics was bad.

Hence the words were used by the pointy heads as a means of control. Their narrative could not be questioned.

In these times institutions had to be on message, have a strategy, be concerned with outcomes, be accountable, devise mission statements, conduct reviews, market their product, differentiate their product mix and so on. It was corporate speak.

It's a dead language disconnected from the political language of citizenship, civil society, democracy, emotion and the public good. That political language becomes yesterday's language. The language of the dunghill, tribalism and ethnic nationalism.

The pointy heads in concentrating on the main game said they were defending the future from the past. Economic reform at home (eg., financial deregulation, lowered tariff walls and a free floating dollar) went hand and hand with the emerging global economy.

Pity about the economy going bust, the monetary brakes being applied and the skyrocketing current deficit. The new economic narrative about opening the economy to the world with its manifold opportunities for wealth creation did not meet with much enthusiasm. The new suddenly sounded old.

| Posted by Gary Sauer-Thompson at 11:11 PM | | Comments (2)
Comments

Comments

the discoursive divide.

i love this blog; consistently unique and insightful commentary.

Your point is well taken. Corporate spin efforts are exercises in disinformation, and it is cause for concern whenever governments begin to ape them. They do not allow for the possibility of open discourse because they are structured to preempt any efforts to do so.

Moreover, the ascendancy of economics and economic theory (in particular, at the expense of political economy) in various polities has resulted in what you call this "main game" phenomenon. I wholeheartedly agree that this new-found emphasis in economics and its principles leads to a dominant narrative that has in so many ways shut down modes of inquiry and exploration into the governance of the polis.

However, what is lost in this criticism is that the closing-off of narrative is the result of economics' demands that empirical constraints be placed on flights of fancy. The problem, as I see it, is not the acceptance of economic reality as the only reality, but whether one can (or indeed, why anyone would) resist the demands the empirical make upon us in any discussion relating to the polis.

Moreover, I am not sure that I agree entirely with the idea that the adoption of "corporate speak" is a disconnect from the political language of citizenship and democracy. Corporations and, as you rightly point out, governments, have a consequentialist emphasis that necessitates the use of organizational statements and values, strategies, marketing, etc., to further the demands of accountability from shareholders in public institutions. Investors play this part in the private sector, whereas citizens do this in the public.

I'm not sure that this results is in anyway a move away from democracy, if not a move toward democracy. Corporations, indeed all denizens of the private sector, have a greater ability to respond to the needs and desires of a marketplace than government has ever had with regard to its polity, precisely because the cold, empirical calculus of the marketplace renders indisputable verdicts on the enterprise in the from of profit and loss. Government, on the other hand, can ignore the real needs and desires of its constituents and pursue flights of fancy without any real institutional correction for years.

It's like Kant -- can you really have a pure, moral science that is not bound up in consequences or in the private feelings and desires of the moral agent? I would think not, because the demands of the empirical must be respected, and any attempt to address what are ultimately empirical matters (i.e. the problem of scarcity) in non-empirical language is bound to fail. Can you imagine discussing semiotics or critical theory without "signs" and "signifiers" -- and how quickly would you be laughed out of that dinner party?