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'Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainity and agitation distinquish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones ... All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned.' Marx

discourse of terrroism « Previous | |Next »
November 3, 2005

The strategy of the conservatives in Australia has been to remind us constantly about the danger of terrorist attacks.Yesterday was a classic example of forwarned danger coupled to legislation to increase the powers of the national security state. They have become authoritarians defeating us from terrorists and happy to be so.

PryorC1.jpg
Pryor

There is nothing new about this strategy for gaining and holding power. Writers from the ancient Greek historian Thucydides to Baron de Montesquieu to Herman Goering in the twentieth century have told us that all national leaders need to do to retain power is to focus on an external threat and accuse those who won't go along with their plans of a lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger.

Though terrorism is a genuine threat, the ceaseless use of the rhetoric of terror, violence and danger has been accompanied by a growing number of false alarms about the enemy within who is destroying our civilised society. In Australia we citizens are not only warned that we should be afraid, but are told exactly how afraid we should be (through different kinds of alerts), and yet, regardless of how afraid we should be, we are given little advice about what to do.

So we become frightened and scared. We are in the process of becoming a frightened and frightening nation, a nation filled not with generosity and humanity and decency and charity, but a nation that seems unable to find any deeper reason for its patriotism than a profound, and cynically manipulated atmosphere of anxiety and fear.

That is my initial interpretation of the discourse of terrroism .In an essay I referred to earlier---Terror Australis: Security, Australia and the 'War on Terror' Discourse in Borderlands Katrina Lee Koo takes this much further. She says:

While we certainly need to critically reflect upon questions such as, 'what constitutes terrorism? who are the terrorists? where do we confront them and how?' we just as urgently need to critically analyse how we think about these questions. In particular, we need to ask: 'What is this discourse of terrorism? Who generates it? How does it enable the kinds of changes we are seeing in our society, and are they consistent with the broader notions of security to which we aspire?'

She tackles the second set of questions about the discourse of terrorism which are concerned about the way we think and talk about terrorism. Katrina Lee Koo says that her essay makes two arguments:

Firstly, John Howard's adoption of Bush's 'War on Terror' discourse

.. reinforces many of the underlying assumptions that have been present throughout Australia's search for security in international relations since Federation. From that time, in one form or another, the dominant Australian security politics has demonstrated four rigid commitments: a belief in its own insecurity, a faith in a statist ethic, a commitment to the practices of violence and, finally, a repetition of certain identity practices.
And secondly, her essay argues that:
...the 'War on Terror' discourse not only reinforces and naturalises these foundations of Australian security but also intensifies it in ways that need to be questioned. The familiarity of the 'War on Terror' discourse, and the ease with which it has become assimilated into the Australian security project, has resulted not only in increasingly violent and intrusive security policies both at home and abroad, but also a lack of sustained public debate about them.

| Posted by Gary Sauer-Thompson at 6:58 AM | | Comments (6)
Comments

Comments

Very good points. I too am concerned about these issues, but I find that the important questions you raise often get muddled in so many other issues.

Very often, you have groups such as:

- Pacifists (opposed to any military actions)
- Conspiracy theorists
- Political/cultural opponents
- people against the party in power
- people with hates of various nations
- office holders with military/economic agendas

and so on. These folks, as good or bad as their various agendas may be, really make it difficult for a person like myself to talk about both terrorism, fighting terrorism, and dealing with HOW we handle the fight against terrorism in a sensible manner.

DT, Very true that it makes genuine discourse on terrorism, and what to do in relation to it impossible, but I would argue that it is not the special interest or ideology groups that make it impossible, but the manner with which the government, and media are using terrorism to further their own agendas.

I lay the blame fairly and squarely at government and the media for this. No wonder people are cynical about government and the media.

This is a quote from an op. ed. entitled 'National Security must come before politics' written by Michael Danby, the Secretary of the (ALP) Caucus National Security Committee,in the Australian Financial Review Nov 5-6:

"We are seeing at the moment a strange state of affairs in Australian public life, in which politicians and the people are in broad agreement both on the nature of the terrorists threat and on what ought to be done about it, while a large slice of the intellectual class are in furious disagreement."

A reasonably accurate description of the current state of affairs. So what do we make of that situation ? Danby goes on:
"This strange disconnect between the people and the intellectual elite is dangerous and damaging. Countries where the majority of intellectuals are alienated from their societies and think that the rest of the population are fools and dupes can drift into serious dispute, as France of the 1930s can attest."

Is that a reasonable description of the intellectual opposition to the anti-terrorism legislation tabled introduced into Federal Parliament on Thursday by the Attorney General?

I thought the opposition was about defending the rule of law and civil liberties. Danby makes no mention of this. He evokes the Cold War--he says he is fighting a totalitarian ideology as evil as the fascist and communist forms that the democracies fought during the 20th century.

You can see how the politics of fear replays old themes.

This struck a coord with me:

"...the majority of intellectuals are alienated from their societies and think that the rest of the population are fools and dupes..."

It seems to me that this has been the case in Western civilization for sometime now (perhaps since the younger generation from the 1960s began entering academia as professors).

As a well educated, upper-middle class white person living in the United States, who enjoys philosophy and running my mouth off in type, I suppose I must admit to being an "intellectual".

Through much of my young adulthood this was my impression of the "great unwashed masses" as well. But lately I've tried to have more of a compassionate view, and a less conceited one. Since making progress in this area (though not perfect), I like who I've become better than who I was.

But at the same time, I do hold views that are different from what the bulk of the population hold. By definition, I believe my views to be right and others to be wrong, or else I wouldn't hold them. Still, I try to be understanding and not so elitist.

I think intellectuals have an obligation to be as open minded and as un-smug as they can. But I also think that everyone else needs to pay a little more attention to what people have to say about things when they have put years of study into them.

DT, I think too often specialisation is confused with authority. Specialists often produce inferior outcomes to the crowd anyway, ie the stock market, so their authority is far from absolute. But this is not just true of the often bashed intellectuals, but also the media talking heads and elected politicians.

Hm,
there seems to a duality here between intellectuals and people.

I perform an intellectual function running left of centre weblogs. But in my everyday life I am 'of the people' sharing a common life of the nation state.

True I'm an inner city apartment dweller and not a white picked suburbanite, nor do I live in a large town in the regions; nor an Australian living in the diasporia.

Doesn't that indicate 'the people' is a fiction. The people is made up of lots of different groups, and classes living in different places with different understandings?