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Judiciary & anti-terrorism laws « Previous | |Next »
December 6, 2005

In commenting on the anti-terrorism legislation that has been passed by the Senate Senator John Faulkner said:

It is chillingly ironic that the antiterrorism bill, with its potential to infringe the freedom of speech of many in our community, is itself the subject of a gag. It was legislation that ought to have been exposed to proper scrutiny.

This legislation have control orders that are designed to make it possible for people to be put under house arrest or in actual detention when no charge has been proved or even brought against them.

This is interesting. An editorial in the Canberra Times discussing a a decsion by a Chief Justice Terry Higgins of the ACT Supreme Court about a domestic violence dispute between two schoolboys.

The fundings in the case address the power of the courts to interfere when governments were interfering with individual liberties, and about their rights to a "competent, independent and impartial tribunal" for a "fair and public hearing" before final coercive orders can be made. The editorial states that Chief Justice Higgins:

"...found a constitutional framework for it in the doctrine of the separation of powers - a doctrine which may not so much bind state supreme courts, but certainly does territory and federal courts. That doctrine poses serious obstacles. Although the Commonwealth's security legislation gives some supervisory power to judges, federal magistrates and retired judges "in their personal capacity", they are clearly not exercising Commonwealth judicial power. They are exercising executive power, and, as the High Court showed in the 1951 Communist Party case, there are walls over which the executive - even in the form of pseudo-judges - cannot jump."

The editorial states that this:

"...broad line of the reasoning is conservative, not radical (as was the High Court's rejection of the Communist Party legislation) and what the judge is saying reflects much of the criticism of the legislation which has come from legal circles since the Government floated its anti-terrorism proposals. "

| Posted by Gary Sauer-Thompson at 9:47 PM | | Comments (2)
Comments

Comments

Them Labor folk would have so much more credibility had they not also voted to pass the Anti-Terrorism law. It's a shame - in 7 days of IR, sedition, welfare to "work" etc, the most damage has come from Costello's own goal.

g,
The ALP could have been a lot stronger on protecting civil liberties though.The option could have been to be tough on anti-terrorism but also to protect the rule of law. Nicola Roxon's speech was most diasappointing in this respect.

She articualted the Labor Right's position in support of Control Orders and Preventative Detentionby arguing that there is something materially different about terrorist attacks that requires a different approach, and that there is a clear difference between suicide bombers and other criminals.

But she never argued why the current laws are inadequate. The Law Reform Commission argued that there is no deficiency in the current law which necessitates Ruddock's changes.

Kirk Mckenzie in an article in Issue 67 of New Matilda, observed that the Labor Party found itself ina bind.

As you will recall, at September's Council of Australian Governments (COAG) meeting, Premiers and Chief Ministers readily agreed to the Prime Minister's proposal that he prepare tough legislation on terrorism after he primed them with what he described as an ASIO briefing.

The Premiers have told associates that the PM's information was that ASIO had strong evidence of significant numbers of terrorists in Australia with access to large amounts of explosive material. Mr Howard is also said to have advised the Premiers that the police were at an advanced stage of investigation in that regard.

The Premiers were already concerned about research that showed the public saw Labor as soft on security issues. When the PM promised that his legislation would be consistent with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, proportional to risks, and would involve the proper judicial oversight, they agreed to the proposals, without seeing draft legislation.

In short, they trusted John Winston Howard.... Kim Beazley has said that he was not consulted by the Premiers before COAG. You have to feel sorry for him because he therefore had Hobson's Choice — he either opposed the PM and his eight State and Territory colleagues, or he supported proposals likely to be very unpopular with one part of the traditional Labor constituency: the civic-minded middle class.
Beazley went with the anti-terrorism legisltaion.

Now it is up to the judges. We can only cross our fingers that they build on the critical work of the Law Reform Commission and rolls back the laws rthat attack traditional Australian freedoms and protections and are corrosive of Australian democracy.