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'Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainity and agitation distinquish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones ... All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned.' Marx

mutations in citizenship « Previous | |Next »
June 11, 2006

The link below is courtesy of Fadzilah over at Ostrich Looking For Sand.

The Migration and Diaspora Study Group Seminar at the National University of Singapore recently hosted a talk by Prof. Aihwa Ong entitled, 'Mutations in Citizenship'. The abstract states:

Mutations in citizenship are crystallized in an ever-shifting landscape shaped by the flows of markets, technologies, and populations. We are moving beyond the citizenship-versus-statelessness model. First, the elements of citizenship (rights, entitlements, etc.) are becoming disarticulated from each other, and becoming re-articulated with universalizing criteria of neoliberalism and human rights. Such "global assemblages" define zones of political entitlements and claims. Second, the space of the "assemblage," rather than the national terrain, becomes the site for political mobilizations by diverse groups in motion. Three contrasting configurations are presented: the EU zone; Asian zones of hypergrowth, and camps of the disenfranchised. Thus, particular constellations shape specific problems and resolutions to questions of contemporary living, further disarticulating and deterritorializing aspects of citizenship.

This Deleuzian account ( 'flows,' 'assemblages', 'deterritorializing') sounds interesting, and the way it concentrates on the forms of social change taking place alongside or beneath the given form of the state connects with Arendt and Agamben's arguments about rights, refugees, citizenship and the camps of the disenfranchised. Does the process of the deterritorializing' of citizenship and becoming minor constitute the core of a revolutionary politics? Does it mean the invention of new forms of subjectivity and new forms of connection between deterritorized elements of the social and political field?

The back drop to these mutations is Karl Marx's observation in the nineteenth century that capitalism had opened up fractures and fissures in the solid crust of European society:----"Beneath the apparently solid surface, they betray oceans of liquid matter, only needing expansion to rend into fragments continents of hard rock." Marx and Friedrich Engels's famous phrase, "all that is solid melts into air" captures the constant political and cultural upheavals that characterized global modernity. Today, the ruptures and upheavals continue to be associated with contradictory globalizing phenomena. The interplay between them threatens to render modern norms of citizenship and human rights "antiquated before they can ossify".

Fadzilah attended the seminar and she offers some comments here. These highlight the way that Singapore illustrates Ong's argument in relation to the Asian zones of hypergrowth. Fadzilah says that:

Singapore has been affected by a strong sense of economic globalization such that 'talent', foreign and local, has been flowing in and out, the latter better known as a 'brain-drain'. 'Foreign talent' in Singapore are offered the same privileges as Singapore citizens in many areas, thus rendering citizenship less of a sought-after privilege. Similarly highly qualified Singaporeans who leave are granted attractive incentives in the nations they migrate to.

Singapore's mode of governance is not just designed to position Singapore to compete in the global economy, since the amalgam of neoliberal strategies of governing are re-engineering political spaces and populations to position Singapore as a hub of scientific expertise (biotechnology) and flexible labor and knowledge regimes.

Ong develops this in this article entitled, 'Experiments with Freedom: Milieus of the Human', where she says that:

The new norm of belonging to "Asian world cities" is not as a citizen who makes demands on the government but as individuals who take the initiative as mobile, flexible, and reflexive actors responding autonomously to market forces. There is thus a shift in the ethics of citizenship, from a stress on equal access to rights and claims on the state to a focus on individual obligation to maximize self-interest in turbulent economic conditions. Responsible citizenship is to be enacted in autonomous actions of individual self-enterprise and risk taking, without state support. In addition, there is the requirement of self-enterprising citizens to interact with technological systems and to remake themselves as reflexive knowledge workers.

That is also happening in Australia as the welfare state is rolled back and we citizens are required become more self-reliant. But Singapore is much more into advanced in terms of neo-liberal governance:
Despite having a population of four million that is already onequarter expatriate, Singapore has an aggressive headhuntng programthat recruits experts in all fields in order to make it "a fertile ground for breeding creativity" .... Talented expatriates enjoy better salaries, housing allowances, and preferential tax breaks than run-of-the-mill citizens. Consequently, the problems of living, working, and productivity increasingly pivot around individual self-actualizing talent rather than conventional citizenship claims. The influx of exciting, risk-taking, and creative foreigners, it is hoped, will shake up narrowly trained, security conscious citizens constrained by Confucian norms and group thinking. Neoliberal ethics trump Confucian ethics as governing technologies seek to animate self-governing subjects who can make calculated investments in their lives for uncertain times. The moral measures of citizens, expatriates, and habitués of globalized sites are now set spinning by the gyrations in global markets. Residents in such globalized sites are valued and protected not because of their citizenship status but for their powers of self-management and cutting-edge skills that sustain the competitiveness of growth zones.

In her account Fadzilah says nothing about Ong's comments about the camps of the becoming-disenfranchised at the seminar. Are these camps filled with refugees? Aslyum seekers? Illegal immigrants? Is there any link to becoming-revolutionary in the assemblages of the flows of markets, technologies, and populations?

Ong has written a book on the mutations of citizenship which constructs neoliberalism as an malleable technology of governance that is taken up in different ways by different regimes, be they authoritarian, democratic, or communist. I'll hunt around for some reviews.

| Posted by Gary Sauer-Thompson at 2:33 PM | | Comments (14)
Comments

Comments

Dear Mr. Sour,

This is a sick joke, right?
The abstract of the lecture is one of the grossest examples of "anglia convoluta" that I've read in a long time.
Of course, being a professor at UC Berkeley explains the lack of expertise in the English Language but I also think that one can only gain respect in that crowd by being as unclear as possible.
The "professor" could simply have stated that new economic patterns may affect the present concept of citizenship. However, that would be too simple and bring contempt on the writer.

Emanuel,
academic language is difficult. I think what Ong is saying is that an interactive mode of citizenship is emerging and that this is one that organizes people (and distributes rights and benefits to them) according to their marketable skills, rather than according to their membership within nation-states.

Those whose knowledge and skills are not assigned significant market value-- such as migrant women working as domestic maids in many Asian cities--- are denied citizenship.

This is significant because is citizenship in a global world is being tied to marketable skills and not birth (Australia) or ethnicity (Israel) or belonging tothe community of the nation-state.This creates a difficulty for the low skilled illegal immigrants who come to the US through Mexico and then become residents in the US. They are not citizens, even though they live there.

On the other hand, if the world changes, then we need to create new categories to help us understand what is happening. Often that requires learning a new language (in Ong's case it is that of Foucault and Deleuze) to make sense of, and understand how, citizenship is mutuating.

Remember Ong's audience is other academics working in the area not bloggers. We are crashing in on the proceedings and piggy backing on her work.

The disenfranchised includes asylum seekers, illegal immigrants and refugees. She says that it's up to them to negotiate their status with the state in order to be enfranchised, thus implying that the 'ever-shifting landscape' actually empowers these groups. They are able to rearticulate the meanings associated with citizenship. It may or may not work, of course. She recognises this, but the interactive mode in theory supports this scenario.

"academic language is difficult"

Sir,

I'm glad that amateurs like Plato and Voltaire never heard of that rule. They did meet up with "Sophists" who certainly get tenure in the philosophy deparments :)

That is the diasporic view of citizenship, and probably one I share.

Immigration flows shot down the nation-state as a political border defined by ethnicity, despite the perpetuation of ethic-national symbolism. It would be hard to find many Australians that view the Union Jack on the national flag as being symbolic of Australian ethnicity.

Citizenship is predicated on tribalism. You have to make yourself submissive to the tribe to get political benefits. But this ignores the non-tribal nature of the global economy, which is far meritorious than nation-state controlled citizenship.

By the same token, the American green-card is a very powerful form on non-citizenship identification. It brings nearly all the same benefits of citizenship, short of voting.


"Citizenship is predicated on tribalism"

Sir,
Totally wrong. Citizenship is predicated on the rights of an equal member of society first practiced in Athens and Rome; recently during the French Revolution.
Citizenship was a new form of relationship to the ruler. Previous, you were just a "subject".
Why not go back to that idea for illegal migrants?

Emanuel,
Oh well, I suggest you stick with Plato and Voltaire then.

I presume by 'sophist', you mean something like a a particularly confusing, illogical and/or insincere argument used by someone to make a point; and that "sophistry" is a derogatory term for rhetoric that is designed to appeal to the listener on emotional grounds rather than the strict logical cogency of the statements being made.

Well, we are discussing Ong's arguments about the mutuation of citizenship here.

The were a more complex bunch than this.

Cameron,
Ong makes some interesting remarks about cosmopolitianism, diasporia and citizenship that highlight its limits in terms of making sense of the global population flows.

She says that diasporas and contingent transnational ties are assumed to have normative goals of bringing about global solidarity, a kind of nascent transnational citizenship, or Cosmopolitanism with a big "C."2 She adds:

Scholars have looked to the mass migrations spawned by global capitalism as the bearers of cosmopolitan ideals, expressed in antistate or anticapitalist sentiments. Stuart Hall and Paul Gilroy, among others, have attributed a humanistic, liberatory dimension to border-crossings, especially by subaltern groups but also middleclass migrants to Western metropolitan sites. The tendency has been to project onto "actually existing cosmopolitanisms"...political features that subvert the agendas of global capitalism and/or struggle against oppressive practices of the nation-state.

But that is only one kind of global population flows.As Ong observes popular academic constructions of diaspora 'tend to romanticize
global movements, presenting transnational communities as invariably opportunities for the transborder actualization of human
freedom. The valorization of diasporas has focused on the quest by oppressed peoples for positive freedoms in democratic metropolitan
sites.
But the question is what kinds of freedoms are being pursued,since there are different visions and practices of freedom that may not be liberatory in the democratic sense.

Ong adds that there are expatriate and refugee streams that seek other visions of freedom, that is, negative freedoms from Western political institutions and values and positive freedoms to found alternative identities and nations.Running alongside transnational cosmopolitan trends are powerful diaspora reimaginings thatwith but reject the universality of Enlightenment ideals.

An example are Ong mentions are the non-Western transnational groups are organized acccording to highly particularistic attachments of ethnicity, nation, religion, or culture, but which now freely stretch across conventional borders:

Transnational claims of citizenship may very well be precursors to new (or very old) forms of alternative nation building. Among contemporary migrants, worldly experience can engende rnot only a consciousness about the differences between the New
World and the Old... but also a desire to recover the glories of ancient cultures. In an age of Asian economic emergence, precolonial hauttings about the greatness of Chinese civilization, the glories of Hindustan, or the might of the Ottoman empire have become intensified, especially among elite emigrants relocated to Western metropolitan sites. Some transnational groups have developed chauvinist agendas to act on behalf of their "own people," a grouping no longer circumscribed by the borders of a single nation-state...The universal serialization of ethnic, racial, and cultural categories by the global mass media and popular culture has provided the institutional
grammar for mobilizing scattered populations on a global
scale.

There are lots of differences in the newly forming global world.

Fadzilah,
You say that Ong said in the seminar that it's

up to them [the disenfranchised] to negotiate their status with the state in order to be enfranchised, thus implying that the 'ever-shifting landscape' actually empowers these groups. They are able to rearticulate the meanings associated with citizenship.

H'm.I'm not sure how is going to happen.In Austrlaia we lock them in offshore dentention so they do not land on Australian territory.If they are assesssed as genuine refugees then they are given temporary (3 year) visas with no chance of then them bringing their family into the country. Australia is a fortress.

A suggestion for you from a previous thread based Arendt and Agamben, which centred on Hannah Arendt's "We Refugees" published in 1943. Agamben makes a remark that puzzles me. He is arguing that nation-states must find the courage to call into question the very principle of the inscription of nativity and the trinity of state/nation/territory which is based on it. He suggests one possible direction based on the possibilities in Europe:

...we could look to Europe not as an impossible "Europe of nations," whose catastrophic results can already be perceived in the short term, but as an aterritorial or extraterritorial space in which all the residents of the European states (citizens and noncitizens) would be in a position of exodus or refuge, and the status of European would mean the citizen's being-in-exodus (obviously also immobile). The European space would thus represent an unbridgeable gap between birth and nation, in which the old concept of people (which, as is well known, is always a minority) could again find a political sense by decisively opposing the concept of nation (which until now has unduly usurped it).

Agamben then goes on to state this in an abstract way. He says that:
This space would not coincide with any homogeneous national territory, nor with their topographical sum, but would act on these territories, making holes in them and dividing them topologically like in a Leiden jar or in a Moebius strip, where exterior and interior are indeterminate. In this new space, the European cities, entering into a relationship of reciprocal extraterritoriality, would rediscover their ancient vocation as cities of the world....It is only in a land where the spaces of states will have been perforated and topologically deformed, and the citizen will have learned to acknowledge the refugee that he himself is, that man's political survival today is imaginable.

There are few such holes in Australia. Are they there in Singapore or the region where you live?

Did Ong address this 'spaces of states will have been perforated and topologically deformed,'in relation to the disenfranchised?

Emmanuel, Citizenship is predicated on the rights of an equal member of society first practiced in Athens and Rome

Modern citizenship is predicated on assimilation as the cost to gain the 'privileges' of citizenship. That is tribalist.

Gary, You quoted Ong, But the question is what kinds of freedoms are being pursued

In my selfish case, participation. Which brings a major issue back to Hardt and Negri's thesis of there being a crisis of representation under globalisation.

"Modern citizenship is predicated on assimilation as the cost to gain the 'privileges' of citizenship. That is tribalist." Cameron Riley.

Dear Mr/Miss Riley,

Modern Citizenship is predicated on the fact of place of birth with allegiance to the ruling system. It demands no "assimilation" and it's not tribal, it's universal. I'm assuming you're not writing from Iran or Saudi Arabia :)

She quotes Agamben actually, but of course, we wonder how exactly states will end up doing this. Sounds unattractive from the states' perspective.
That's where her argument was rather unconvincing, and the audience, after her talk, questioned her about it.In Singapore, there are even fewer holes, I believe, being a small nation which needs to protect herself relentlessly. Policing is very effective when you don't have vast coastlines too.
Thanks for the link to the Agamben/Arendt thread.

Fadzilah,
what I see is the closure of the gaps and holes in terms of border control. This issue has recently flared in Australia due to 42 West Papuans landing on Australain soil and seeking refugee asylum in Australia.

They have been granted temporary protection visas --implying Indonesian oppression in West Papua. If they were to be forcibly returned home they would face a "well-founded fear of persecution".Indonesia raised hell and the Australian Government took the criticisms on board.

Consequently, the Australian government has moved to ensure that anybody who lands in Australia will be processed in offshore facilities--eg on Nauru, and if their claim is successful they will be required to seek asylum somewhere other than Australia.

We don't want no refugees here is the mantra from the Howard governemtn. Our international obligations only require us to process the claims of refugees offshore --so they cannot appeal to Australian courts.

Instead of the Prime Minister John Howard saying to visiting Indonesian MPs this week that terminating the human rights abuses will ensure the problem goes away, he accepted Jakarta's insistence that the problem is of Australia's making.

Jakarta is now asking for the visas to be revoked while demanding Australia "prove" its commitment to Indonesia's territorial integrity with "action".