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'Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainity and agitation distinquish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones ... All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned.' Marx

progressivism + liberalism « Previous | |Next »
March 19, 2007

Progressivism is not a term with clear associations. In the late 19th/early 20th century Britain it describes a kind of Lib-Lab political orientation; in early 20th. century United States to refer to a somewhat managerialist philosophy of the state; in the mid/late 20th century by Communists to refer to movements and parties that while not socialist were nevertheless considered to be part of a broader coalition for change; and in the past few years in Australia to refer to what used to be called ‘The Third Way’.

Progressivism is popular in Australia and is often used in place of social liberal, which is conventionally seen as a decayed strand of liberalism. Liberalism has become associated with free markets + small government + personal freedom ----classical liberalism. A key problem is small government--a refusal to accept the reality of big government that does not involve central planning.

Today progressivism appears to mean having a commitment to social justice (fairness) at its heart. Broadly speaking, a socially just society is one where each has equal opportunity to fulfill his or her potential, in which the distribution of social and economic goods is fair and in which a fair distribution is understood to require high, though not necessarily complete equality.

Contemporary progressives see a flexible, open market economy supported by strong public services as the best means to achieving social justice, And, in common with the liberal tradition, modern progressivism aspires to a society that is also open – economically, intellectual and culturally – in which (aspirational) individuals and their families can progress on the basis of their aspirations and hard work, and are not held back by family background or circumstance. Open societies are confident, dynamic and liberal.

Is that a reasonable interpretation of progressivism? So is there such a beast as progressive liberalism with all that libertarian alliance with traditionalist conservatism (the CIS and IPA, which are broadly Hayekian institutions) around? I've never understood that alliance.

| Posted by Gary Sauer-Thompson at 8:11 AM | | Comments (5)
Comments

Comments

Most of the Auian blogosphere that calls itself the 'left' I would call progressive. I think I have called polemica progressive before rather than left.

I think the left/right descriptors are badly broken since market liberalism crushed the USSR. It also gives the appearance of their being a 50/50 split - which is untrue. Today it is more arguments within liberalism, which I consider the main doctrines being progressivism, republicanism, classic liberalism and libertarianism.

The competitors to those arguments in liberalism are conservatism, nationalism and big-staters which would probably be called socialists in years past.

I wish those in the Au blogosphere that self-identify as left would call themselves progressives instead. It would help isolate the non-liberal political movements as being in a minority as well.

Cam,
There does seem to be the need for the renewal of modern progressive liberalism to distinguish it from the equation of liberalism with economics and free markets.

some questions:

does Liberalism need to be progressive in order
to offer a resonant political narrative for modern Britain?

Should modern Liberals is to develop a policy agenda and role for the state that would genuinely tackle class inequalities?

The term "progressive" is even vaguer in the U.S.A., ranging from centrist neo-liberals like the Clintonistas, to left-liberals, left economic populists, and a rather vaguely defined more left than liberal. But what I find missing from your description of "progressivism" beyond egalitarian focus on distributional issues and debates over equality of opportunities vs. outcomes, is the issue of public regulation and public investment in determining social goals and the direction of societal development, which doesn't necessarily require any sort of central planning, nor even state-directed initiative, but does require at least a strong enought state and its legal authority to stand up to and counteract the effects of concentrated private interests, which goes to the capture and corruption of the state and public politics by those interests and the persistent undermining of any robust public sphere, which can hold both state and private power accountable.

John,
I fully agree with your comments. Here is Virginia Postrel in her 1999 Mont Pelerin Society speech:

The most potent challenge to markets today, and to liberal ideals more generally, is not about fairness. It is about stability and control—not as choices in our lives as individuals, but as a policy for society as a whole. It is the argument that markets are disruptive and chaotic, that they make the future unpredictable, and that they serve too many diverse values rather than “one best way.” The most important challenge to markets today is not the ideology of socialism but the ideology of stasis, the notion that the good society is one of stability, predictability, and control. The role of the state, in this view, therefore, is not so much to reallocate wealth as it is to curb, direct, or end unpredictable market evolution.

She says that while the last century’s greatest threats to liberty, prosperity, and peace came from totalitarian nation-states, today’s come from transnational organizations—ranging from imperialistic regulators (the European Union)and statists of all stripes.

Should modern Liberals develop a policy agenda and role for the state that would genuinely tackle class inequalities?

Cant answer for others, or other doctrines, but republicanism does not see the state as an evil. There are limits to what the state can do, after political technologies have their own flaws, and a liberal republican political technologies are better than any others atm in producing positive outcomes.

For instance Deniehy was a big proponent of public education and libraries. I agree with him, I cannot see how our present state of civic and economic virtue can be maintained without it. Because education requires a universal approach, the only social entity with that reach and capitalisation is the state. So it must have a roll in this, if for no other reason than the private sector cannot provide a complete solution. It can provide a partial solution of course, and where the market is superior the state should absolutely bow out, if not defer to the market even if the outcome is not certain yet.

From the progressive point of view? Like polemica and larvatus prodeo, they better come up with a positive role for the state in that situation or otherwise their political solutions will be made directly obsolescent by stricter forms of liberalism and republicanism. Then again, if there is no role for the state in those situations then the progressives are liberals and republicans anyway.