May 20, 2006
I've finally got myself a copy of Hannah Arendt's The Human Condition (1958) with its key claim that the philosophical political tradition (including Marx) had misconceived the fundamental nature of political action.
It had (mis) represented political action as a making along the lines of the craftsman model--a shaping raw material to fit a design. That means casting human beings as raw materials in the process of making a new society or history. Human beings as raw material have no say in the process of making.
'Action' --the disinterested and active involvement in public affairs--- is the political activity par excellence whilst 'natality' is the central category of the political--- the capacity of each individual to act and hence to begin something new. The image of the newborn coupled to the Christian idea of the miraculous is what is meant by Arendt's 'natality.'
So we have politics as the activity through which we constitute and experience a world in common with others, political freedom conceptualized in terms of 'natality' and the public realm in terms of a 'space of appearances'. The political is ethical insofar as it is concerned with the constitution of a plural subject of collective action ----the appearance of a plural "we" in the public realm. Political/ethical responsibility is understood in terms of care for the fragile polity that is constituted through action.
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O.K. I've got trouble with linking the theme of "natality" to Christianity, since for all intents and purposes Arendt was a (Jewish) atheist.
It's purport rather seems to address the historico-ontological problem of the sources of initiative and the problem,- (perhaps here with a residual Jewish inflection),- of generations, which traverses any question of historical justice.
But "natality" is precisely the figure of political hope, just as the political is the proper "home" of finitude and worldliness, (in her deviant Heideggerian/existential account). And that does not mean the constitution of a "plural we", but rather the "we" of "plurality", spoken across differences and otherness. And she makes a distinction between work and labor, which accords the latter, in the form, e.g., of scholarship or art, a role in the formation of the public sphere qua site of the political, which, as the "space of appearances", i.e. of the manifestation and display of both self and other in their common belonging to the world, is the only site that reconciles us with or compensates us for our finitude and mortality.
Her criticism is directed against any philosophical/theoretical conception of politics, reverting to an idealized Hellenic notion of the polis and a partial rehabilitation of the Aristotelian conception of praxis, just as Heidegger attempted to retrieve the pre-Socratic sense of Being to challenge the metaphysical tradition. Her puristic conception of the political, which, as itself "work", is at some considerable distance from any actual political "action", stigmatizes the invasion of politics by "the social", which at once criticizes any administrative/economistic/instrumentalistic reduction of politics and the (over-)moralization of politics.
Any morally tolerable politics requires the delimitation of the political from the moral, the public from the private, for the sake of both. That she figures the private in terms of the unknowable "darkness of the heart" echos Hegel's reading of "Antigone".