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Kant, refugees, rights « Previous | |Next »
May 21, 2006

Back in 1795 Immanual Kant wrote an essay called 'Towards a Perpetual Peace' which articulates certain conditions that nations must respect if there ever will be perpetual peace. Kant say that nobody expects the philosopher to come out and tell generals and kings how to run the world and how to articulate principles. But if there is going to be perpetual peace among nations, then there needs to be certain conditions. He then lays them out.

Kant says that the constitution of every state must be a republican constitution, that is, it must permit representation; that the nations of the world should move towards a cosmopolitan federation where they regulate their relationships with one another according to laws; and that they should increasingly seek a common body of laws. He also says in the third definitive article of Perpetual Peace that there is one right that belongs to a human being, as a human being in the world community, and that is the right to hospitality. That is, if someone comes upon your shores through need, or for commerce or barter, and if their purposes are peaceful, you cannot deny them access. You cannot deny universal hospitality, particularly if it will mean their destruction.

The right to universal hospitality, that is, the right of human beings to seek contact with one another, to seek access to each other's land, to seek access to resources is a fundamental human right, needs to be regulated, and there is a certain margin as to how much, for example, you owe to the stranger who comes up on your land. What kind of obligations do you owe to this stranger?

Kant's own formulation is somewhat more minimal than I would like it to be, because he says you have a right of visitation but not a right of long-term stay. The host can determine that. We can argue that the human right to visitation is more extensive than Kant makes it out to be, and that nations have stronger obligations to exiles and refugees which are different than the obligations to immigrants.

This is done by the Geneva Convention on the Status of Refugees in 1951, and its protocol added in the sixties. All states, who are signatories to the Geneva Convention have the obligation to conduct themselves vis-a-vis refugees and asylum-seekers in a particular way. The most important aspect of this is that if someone reaches your shores and raises a claim to refuge and asylum, you as the state have an obligation to examine the veracity or truthfulness of that claim and reach a decision. You have an obligation here not to send the refugee back without having examined this claim. You ought not to send the refugee back into the point of danger.

Australia evades/violates this obligation by preventing refugees from setting foot on Australia soil in the first place. Australiai's attempts to control refugees and asylees from coming in has seen some harsh measurements being put in place towards refuge- and asylum-seekers.

Border crossings are seen as a quasi-criminal activity unless accompanied by the right kinds of papers.Arendt argued that it was precisely at the point at which we are in fact being a human being and not a citizen that ought to have entitled one to certain rights and to certain protections. But today, at this point--stateless--- it seem as if one has nothing. That to be stateless was basically to become a complete pariah, and that to be a stateless person was also to be rendered in a way rightless. But the whole notion of universal human rights is rights that accrue to us or belong to us in virtue of our humanity, not in virtue of our citizenship or membership of a bounded nation state.


| Posted by Gary Sauer-Thompson at 12:55 AM | | Comments (12)
Comments

Comments

I was introduced to Kant's essays on that topic after arguing on IRC for the Australian Republican ideal of universal citizenship which is defined by being under the jurisdiction of a government, rather than accident of parent or geography at birth.

I got told it was "Kantian". Ended up writing something on it; The natural state between nations.

Back to refugees, the unversalist principles in Australian Republican doctrine enforce political rights for any individuals under the jurisdiction of a government. Citizenship is a function of being an individual who interacts with a government. It is not a privilege and more a description of the contractual engagement between individual and government.

Native born, immigrant, temporary worker, or refugee. There is no difference.

btw, a request. Could you re-visit biopower and biopolitics. I am hitting it constantly in modern texts and haven't read any Foucault yet (self-taught and all that).

I would appreciate it if you could summarise and explore their meaning, especially in respect to some of the issues raised by Agamben, Hardt and Negri.

Cameron,
There is stuff in philosophy.com's archives on biopolitics. There is also a scattering of stuff across the other blogs.

Biopolitics is an important category as it swings the emphasis away from sovereignty in political philosophy to the shaping of the body and life.

Cameron,
Republican political philosophy works in terms of a world of bounded nation-states with active citizensmaking their own laws by which they live.

The UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights presupposes the concept of national sovereignty. The declaration states explicitly in the preamble that it is "essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations" and that "member states have pledged themselves to achieve, in cooperation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for the observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms."

This indicates that the effectiveness of the declaration is contingent on the compliance of the family of nations. The declaration not only assumes the existence of an international system, but also suggests that promoting peace between nations will further advance the cause of human rights.

Later on, article 15 states that "everyone has a right to a nationality" and article 28 asserts, "no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality" thereby acknowledging that human rights operate within a national order and that belonging to a nation-state is a fundamental right.

Stateless people are suspended between nation states in a vacuum. Hence they are the other of citizens---the perpetual outsider, living in a perpetual state of exile. Refugees are thus a figure of Agamben's bare life. It was at this point that Arendt developed the idea of "the right to have rights."

This raises the question: should we place the figure of the refugee at the centre of a contemporary analysis of political life?

An interesting article--Agamben on Arendt's (1943) "We Refugees" essay.

Gary, We have discussed the UN on SSR as being like a confederacy. I dont like the "belonging to a nation-state as a fundamental right". The nation-state itself isnt important, but rather, that the nation-state ensures that the individual is not denied political rights, when under the nation-state's jurisdiction. Globalisation is enabling labor flows that mock the nation-state's definition of 'citizenship'. We are not that static a people anymore.

The refugee and diasporan are equally fringe. They are good for judging how a nation-state's law structures are responding to globalisation.

Cameron,
This right to have rights constitutes above all the right to political action. The loss of the right to have rights constitutes the loss of one's
humanity.

Gary, I was going to write on constituted power the other day.

If the constitution is abrogated then executive/legislative/judicial action becomes criminal. It is the only way I can reconcile it.

If an individual is outside of constituted power are they still human (ie perfectly in nature) and capable of political action? Isnt politics unnecessary if you have perfect freedom and no fear of coercion?


Philosophy of kant has a very great effect on 19th century.

Cameron,
your comment

If the constitution is abrogated then executive/legislative/judicial action becomes criminal. It is the only way I can reconcile it.

That ignores the state of exception.

Gary, I have written software that has bugs in it. I could recompile, or quickly redvelop to eradicate them. Constitution lacks software fluidity but can contain loopholes of logic that persistent and cunning users (executives) can get through.

The state of exception can be closed and criminalised IMO through the constitution.

Cameron,
some argue that the temporary suspension of the constitution in a state of emergency is part of the constitution.

It is a suspension that is needed to protect the constitution.

Gary, That sentiment finds itself in the paradox of; "we had to destroy the village to save it".

The war of 1812, when Madison was President is proof that emergency powers arent needed. Washington DC was sacked, so it was as big an emergency as could be, but Madison didn't enact emergency powers, and the US survived.