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"...public opinion deserves to be respected as well as despised" G.W.F. Hegel, 'Philosophy of Right'

politics + the good life « Previous | |Next »
January 3, 2010

Alison Caddick in her Democracy evacuated editorial in Arena (Magazine or Journal?) addresses our relation as citizens to the democratic political process, to the market's reduction of development to economic growth and to a neo-liberal mode of governance. She makes an obvious point:

While we voted Labor because Mr Rudd promised real action on the looming emergency of climate change, we are locked into a crippled political process. Rather than a policy that makes a real contribution to the reduction of carbon emissions, we have the cruel joke of the ETS, which promises to reduce emissions by 5 per cent by 2020, while providing discounts and loopholes to industries of the worst carbon-emitting kind. We want action, but in some way unbeknown to us as ordinary voters, government is radically beholden to interests beyond our democratic control.

That is very true. Caddick adds that whilst we inhabit a (liberal) democracy and that part of our (historical) pre-consciousness still takes democracy for granted, we also know that neo-liberalism (as a mode of governance?) has changed things. It has dispensed with the venerable ethic of public service as such; the executive has become highly ‘politicised’; lobby groups now wield tremendous power; governments act to produce ‘results’; leadership is dead; and that management is the name of the game.

Neo-liberalism, she argues, is the Right's response to the ossification of the social democratic model, which had come to depend on a soulless machinery for carving up the ‘social product’; a political system dedicated merely to ‘redistribution’, the sine qua non of politics and government. It produces democratic ‘leadership’ is reduced to muscular action on the one hand and the tightest technocratic management on the other.

Arena Journal concerns itself with the possibilities for a renewed critical practice in an era of rapid transformation, and Caddick argues that issues such as global warming disclose a politics as politics should be — about the ‘good life’: about how we wanted to live; an ethic of the common good. Caddick's assumption is that we cannot tackle climate change within the parameters of neo-liberal globalisation--that neo-liberal globalisation is not capable of sufficient adjustment to turn climate change around. Questions can be asked.

Is climate change the tipping point around which to question the new-liberal recommitment to ‘let the market rule’ and to economic growth (measured as GDP) as the sole end of pubic policy. Is it the point to begin to question and rethink our deep-rooted assumptions about our mode of life and relations to the natural world? Or is climate change only the first among a series of crises likely to emerge if we cannot bring ourselves to change our present way of taking hold? Does it stir recognition of the way the uninhibited growth of the market can reach a point where it ceases to contribute to public well-being?

| Posted by Gary Sauer-Thompson at 7:23 AM | | Comments (9)
Comments

Comments

Caddick's piece is singularly lacking in evidence and reasoning. She simply asserts that all kinds of unfortunate consequences have been caused by 'neo-liberalism', without attempting to develop a coherent causal argument. This seems just as woolly and misguided as wingnuts blaming all the evils of the world on socialists.

Ken,
it is hard to contest what you say. Arena has got rather thin. But it is hard to tell what they are arguing because very little is online. They do appear to have become sidelined. They are not even running a blog.

So much has been invested in setting up a print publishing house, then digital technology comes along and changes the print world of the little magazines. I don't even know whether or not they are writing about the effects of digital technology on us because nothing much is online for us to engage with.

presumably Caddick wants to argue that global warming brings the concerns of citizens back into the picture. Her argument would be that people have needs, ambitions and ideals----cultural, traditional, filial, altruistic-----that range far beyond anything conceived of in free-market economics---or, in her terms, neo-liberalism.

Yes but Peter it's a pretty silly point of view I think. Is she suggesting that the beliefs people are concerned with income and wealth, or national security, are conceits of a handful of neo-liberal ideologues? That people felt dissociated from politics because it was all about money and terrorism?

I believe markets and national security have figured so prominently in politics because people believe they are important political issues. WHY people hold that view is an interesting and complex question that deserves and requires a lot more considered examination than a simple assertion that it was all the fault of those neo-liberal bastards.

Ken,
the substantive point that Caddick is making should be retained--this is that Rudd Labor stands for a politics that is a growth-based management.

Guy Rundle puts it this way in an essay in Overland:

That is, the core and periphery of Labor’s philosophy and practice have reversed. The party no longer seeks to take control of objects (the products of the economy) for the benefit of subjects (the working class and the Australian people in general) but instead seeks to control subjects (especially the sub-groups and cultures that make up or replace the working class) for the purpose of social reproduction without significant change. .....Initiatives of this type have been a major part of Labour tradition in the Anglosphere since the election of Tony Blair’s ‘New Labour’ government in 1997.

Rudd Labor seeks to manage the reproduction of a society it has no intention of transforming, and must therefore shape social and personal character to accommodate.

Well again Gary, like Caddick, Rundle is simply making assertions free of evidence. He reifies 'Labor' and attributes coherent purposes to it in a way that is simply unsupportable. Labor is trying to control citizens? What nonsense. It's just an attempt to create a meaningful narrative where none exists.

Pundits of all persuasions love to pretend they can analyse society and politics by reducing things to their True Causes. It's nothing more than populist over-simplification but people love it because they are uncomfortable with the essentially chaotic and unmanageable nature of contemporary human societies. Who wants to admit they live in an environment where nobody is in charge?

The Rudd Government (as opposed to 'Labor') does indeed stand for growth-based management, which is another way of saying they are professional politicians for whom success means winning office. Why would they want to frighten the horses by proposing serious reform of our society? Howard finally attempted it in a small way by trying to emasculate trade unions and it's widely credited with costing him government. Rudd and company won't even contemplate it, nor should they if they are interested in staying in government.

Ken,
all this is true. However your comment reinforces my point about the politics of the good life. You say:

The Rudd Government (as opposed to 'Labor') does indeed stand for growth-based management, which is another way of saying they are professional politicians for whom success means winning office. Why would they want to frighten the horses by proposing serious reform of our society? Howard finally attempted it in a small way by trying to emasculate trade unions and it's widely credited with costing him government. Rudd and company won't even contemplate it, nor should they if they are interested in staying in government.

that kind of politics pushes the politics of the good way into the background.

Yet the politics around climate change in everyday life of citizens is the politics of the good life. We want a better and a more sustainable world. So the Rudd Government (and the Labor states) is managing our expectations and shaping our conduct.

This managing and shaping--governance--- is placing big limits on what we can do in shifting to a more sustainable world.

Ken,
you ask: "Why would they (the Rudd Government) want to frighten the horses by proposing serious reform of our society? Your answer is that Rudd and company won't even contemplate it, nor should they if they are interested in staying in government.

However, the difference between Rudd's rhetoric on climate change and Rudd's actions is, and ought to be, a serious concern. Or don't you think so?

Nan I think responding to climate change is in a different category of issues to the things Gary has been writing about, and the matter of political lies and failure to keep promises is different again. I wasn't meaning to say what the government ought to do, only what it needs to do to maximise its chances of staying in office.